International Line



Chairman Gonzalo has established the international line of the Communist Party of Peru. As proletarian internationalists, he teaches us that we must begin by unfolding the Peruvian revolution through people’s war as part of, and at the service of, the world proletarian revolution, marching towards our inalterable goal, Communism, taking into account that each revolution unfolds within the zigzags of world politics.

In appraising the world situation, Chairman Gonzalo begins from Lenin’s thesis: “The economic relationships of imperialism constitute the basis of the existing international situation. The history of the XX Century has been defined completely by this new phase of capitalism, its last and highest phase,” and that the distinction between oppressor and oppressed countries is a distinctive feature of imperialism. Therefore, in order to see the current situation we cannot depart from the fundamental contradiction of capitalism, since we are in its final and highest phase, imperialism.

Furthermore, upholding what Chairman Mao taught us, that imperialism and all reactionaries are paper tigers, that the people are what is truly powerful, and that: “Soviet revisionism and American imperialism, conspiring among themselves, have perpetrated so many evils and infamies that the revolutionary peoples of the entire world will not let them go unpunished. The peoples of all the countries are rising up. A new historical period of struggle against American imperialism and Soviet revisionism has begun.” He expounds that the destruction of imperialism and world reaction to be carried forward by the Communist Parties, leading the proletariat and the peoples of the world, will be an incontrovertible reality. He calls upon us to fight against the two imperialist superpowers, Yankee imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism, against the imperialist powers and world reaction, specifying the conditions of each revolution to determine the principal enemy and to avert the actions of the rest.


The victory of the October Revolution in 1917 marked an extraordinary milestone in world history, the end of the bourgeois revolution and the beginning of the world proletarian revolution. This new era was signaled by an intensifying violence expressing the decrepitude of the bourgeoisie in leading the revolution and the maturity of the proletariat to take, lead, and maintain the power of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The revolutions of the oppressed nations also occur within this framework.

In the midst of a complex system of wars of all types, imperialism will be sunk along with world reaction, from which socialism will emerge; consequently, revolution and counterrevolution are conscious that only through war are political changes defined. Since war has a class character, there are imperialist wars such as the First and Second World Wars that were wars of plunder for a re-division of the world; imperialist wars of aggression against oppressed nations such as those of England in the Malvinas, Yankee imperialism in Vietnam, and social-imperialism in Afghanistan; and national liberation wars such as those which are waged in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Since the People’s War in Peru is a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Gonzalo Thought war, without submitting to the superpowers or imperialist powers, it is in the vanguard due to its just character and correct leadership. It is a reality that demonstrates to us that the Communists should focus on the principal aspect of developing people’s war as the principal form of struggle to serve the world revolution.

Facing this situation that only through war is the world transformed, we uphold the omnipotence of revolutionary war (meaning people’s war) as the highest military theory, that of the proletariat, which must be specified according to each type of country whether imperialist or oppressed as mapped out by Chairman Mao. Thus, the world people’s war is an adequate response that serves to prevent the imperialist war or, if this is already happening, to transform it into people’s war. But as Communists, we wage war to destroy war through war in order to establish an “enduring peace.” We are the only ones that fight for peace—not like Reagan and Gorbachev who make war the more they speak of peace; they are the warmongers.

In appraising the world in this era, we see that four fundamental contradictions are expressed: 1) the contradiction between capitalism and socialism, referring to the contradiction between two radically different systems, which shall encompass this entire era. This contradiction shall be one of the last to be resolved, and shall endure after the seizure of power; 2) the contradiction between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, the contradiction between two opposed classes that shall also persist after the taking of power, manifesting itself in multiple ideological, political and economic forms until its resolution with the arrival of Communism; 3) the inter-imperialist contradictions, the contradiction between the imperialists themselves for hegemony in the world and it occurs between the superpowers themselves, between the superpowers and the imperialist powers and among the imperialist powers themselves. This contradiction shall be solved during the epoch of the next 50 to 100 years; 4) contradictions between the oppressed nations and imperialism which is the struggle for the liberation of oppressed nations in order to destroy imperialism and reaction, whose resolution is also framed within the next 50 to 100 years. During this time, this is the principal contradiction, although any one of the four fundamental contradictions can be principal in accordance with the specific circumstances of the class struggle, temporarily or in certain countries.

In perspective, in order to arrive at our final goal, Communism, Marxist-Leninist-Maoists must carry forward three types of revolutions: 1) democratic revolution, the bourgeois revolution of a new type led by the proletariat in the oppressed countries, which establishes the joint dictatorship of the proletariat, the peasantry, the petty bourgeoisie, and in certain conditions the middle bourgeoisie, under the hegemony of the proletariat; 2) socialist revolution, in the imperialist and capitalist countries, which establishes the dictatorship of the proletariat; 3) cultural revolutions, which are made to continue the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat. The latter is to subject and eliminate any regeneration of capitalism and to wage armed combat against attempts at capitalist restoration, and which also serves to strengthen the dictatorship of the proletariat and the march towards Communism.

Just as no class in the world was able to seize power all at once, but only through a process of restorations and counter-restorations, when the proletariat takes power and establishes its dictatorship, the bourgeoisie’s zeal to restore capitalism and to recover its power strengthens and opens up a historical process of struggle by the proletariat to maintain and defend its dictatorship and to avert capitalist restoration and the bourgeoisie who wish to recover power. This struggle between restoration and counter-restoration is an undeniable historical law, until the dictatorship of the proletariat is definitively established. In world history, when the feudal class advanced in China, it took 250 years to definitively crush the restoration of slavery; when the bourgeoisie in the West struggled against feudalism to crush the attempts at restoration or the actual restorations of feudalism, it took 300 years to be definitively established in power. And, addressing a revolution in which the proletariat is definitively installed in power, the struggle between restoration and counter-restoration is singularly acute and bitter and will last approximately 200 years, starting from the Paris Commune in 1871. The experiences of capitalist restoration in the USSR and in China leave us with great lessons, positive as well as negative; especially emphasizing the gigantic steps forward in the formation of the new State and how the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is the solution to avert restoration.

We, who uphold Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo Thought, reaffirm ourselves in revolutionary violence as the universal law to seize power, and that it is crucial in order to substitute one class by another. Democratic revolutions are carried out with revolutionary violence, socialist revolutions are carried out with revolutionary violence and, in the face of restorations, we shall recover power through revolutionary violence. We shall maintain the continuation of the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat with revolutionary violence through cultural revolutions and we will only reach Communism through revolutionary violence. As long as there is a place on Earth in which exploitation exists, we shall finish it off through revolutionary violence.

This new era arms us richly, and we Communists must strengthen ourselves ideologically, politically, and organically to assume the corresponding responsibilities.


There are two currents that operate in the international Communist movement: The international proletarian movement and the national liberation movement. The first leads and the second is the base.

The national liberation movement. It is waged in the oppressed nations against imperialism and reaction. In the first decade of this century, Lenin paid close attention to the struggles in India, China, and Iran. He expounded that the socialist revolution would not be only and exclusively of the proletariat against its bourgeoisie, but also of all the colonies against their oppressors. He said there is a fusion of two forces, the international proletarian movement and the national liberation movement and, that the weight of the masses in the oppressed nations constitutes most of the population in the world and shall be decisive in the world revolution. He concluded that revolution was shifting to the oppressed nations, but this fact does not negate the revolution in Europe, rather it demonstrated how a socialist State such as the USSR could develop itself in the midst of imperialist encirclement. Developing Marx, Lenin laid the foundations of the strategy for world revolution to undermine imperialism, link the struggle of the national liberation movement with the struggles of the international proletarian movement, and to develop the revolution. If the slogan for Communists is “Proletarians of all countries, Unite!,” he put forth the slogan that should guide the struggle of the two forces: “Proletarians of all countries and peoples of the world, Unite!” Chairman Mao Tse-tung developed Lenin’s strategy centering on the transcendental importance the national liberation movement has for the world revolution since imperialism fleeces more and more from the oppressed nations, which in turn rise-up in powerful revolutionary storms that should be led by their Communist parties. Thus, the national liberation movement is grounded on the international proletarian movement and these two forces propel the development of world history. Chairman Gonzalo teaches us that the strategy that we Communists must unfold should start from the foundations laid down by Lenin and developed by Chairman Mao.

The international proletarian movement, is the theory and practice of the international proletariat. The proletariat struggles on three levels: Theoretical, political, and economic. Since the proletariat appears in history as the final class, it does so in constant struggle, highlighted by the following milestones: 1848, where the Communist Manifesto elaborated by Marx and Engels established the foundations and the program of the proletariat. 1871, the Paris Commune, where the proletariat seized power for the first time. 1905, the dress rehearsal of the revolution. 1917, the triumph of the October Revolution in Russia, where the class established the dictatorship of the proletariat and opened up a new era. 1949, the triumph of the Chinese revolution, where the joint dictatorship led by the proletariat is established and the passage to the socialist revolution is resolved, thus changing the correlation forces in the world. In the decade of the 1960s with the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, led by Chairman Mao Tse-tung, the revolution is continued under the dictatorship of the proletariat in the acute struggle between restoration and counter-restoration.

In its revindicative struggle the proletariat generates the union and the strike, which are not only instruments for the economic struggle, but that forge the class “for the great battles still to come.” The strike is the principal instrument in the economic struggle and the general strike is a complement to the insurrection, but what Sorel, the anarchists, and others expound is wrong, that power can be seized by the general strike alone.We develop the revindicative struggle as a function of the conquest of Power.

The proletariat generates a political apparatus: The Communist Party which is totally opposed to and different from the other parties, having the objective to seize political power. This is how Marx defined it. Lenin established the characteristics of the Party of the new type, combating the undermining influences of the old revisionism that generated bourgeois workers’ parties based on the labor aristocracy, the union bureaucracy, parliamentary cretinism, all fitted to the old order. Chairman Mao Tse-tung developed the construction of the Party around the gun and proposed the construction of the three instruments. Chairman Gonzalo established the thesis of the militarization of the Communist parties and the concentric construction of the three instruments.

The proletariat generates an ideology: Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism for the world revolution and Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo Thought, mainly Gonzalo Thought, for the Peruvian revolution.

Marxism was founded on the ideas of Marx. Marx and Engels took the best that humanity had produced: German classical philosophy, English political economy and French socialism to found the ideology of the proletariat. Marxism has not taken a step in its life without struggling against wrong positions. Thus it had to confront Proudhon and anarchism, right-wing deviations of the supposedly creative developments of Dühring, and the opportunist positions that emerged in the German Social Democratic Party. After subsequently, the old revisionism unfolds with Bernstein and Kautsky after the death of Engels; Lenin is going to defeat them. In synthesis, in its first stage Marxism establishes the Marxist philosophy or dialectical materialism, Marxist political economy, and scientific socialism.

Lenin develops Marxism and brings it to a second stage, Marxism-Leninism. He did this through hard struggles fought against the old revisionism that negated Marxist philosophy, saying neo-Kantism should be the basis instead; that is idealism and not dialectical materialism. In political economy, they negated the growing pauperization among the proletariat, and claimed that the proletariat’s demands were being satisfied by capitalism and imperialism. They negated surplus value and imperialism. In scientific socialism, they took aim against the class struggle and revolutionary violence and propagated pacifism.

Revisionism means to revise Marxist principles by invoking new circumstances. Lenin said that revisionism is the advance of bourgeoisie into the ranks of the proletariat and that to fight effectively against imperialism one must also fight against revisionism, since they are two sides of the same coin. Lenin emphasized that revisionism aims to divide the trade unions and the political movement of the proletariat and that it generates the split in socialism. In this accurate and relentless struggle against revisionism Lenin further expounded, during the juncture of the First World War, the need to convert the imperialist war into a revolutionary war, unmasking the old revisionists as social-patriots. He pointed out that in revolutionary times one must create new organizations, since the reactionaries strike at the legal organizations and we should develop clandestine organizations even for mass work. Afterward, he shaped the October Revolution with the Communist Party through the insurrection.

Stalin continued the work of Lenin and in the process of building socialism in the USSR, he struggled against the deviations of Trotsky, Zinoviev, and Kamenev that concluded in 1937. This was a 13-year struggle and it is untruthful to say that things were administratively resolved. We take up the position of Chairman Mao on the role of comrade Stalin as being 70% positive. We Communists of today have the task of making an adequate analysis of the Second World War, the balance of the International Communist movement and, particularly, to study well its VII Congress and, within this the role of Comrade Stalin along with the actions of revisionisn in France, Italy, etc.

In developing Marxism-Leninism, Chairman Mao Tse-tung raises Marxism to its highest summit, thus the theory of the proletariat becomes Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. He fulfilled this task within the midst of a tenacious and persistent struggle, crushing the right opportunist lines within the Chinese Communist Party. Here we highlight the revisionist line of Liu Shao-chi and Teng Hsiao-ping. On the international level, he led the struggle against and the defeat of the contemporary revisionism of Khrushchev. He shaped the democratic revolution in China, the step to the socialist revolution and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. What is fundamental in Maoism is power, power for the proletariat, power for the dictatorship of the proletariat, based on a armed force led by the Party. Maoism is the application of Marxism-Leninism to the backwards countries, of the strategic offensive of the world revolution, and of the continuation of the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Thus, we Communists have three great swords: our founder Marx, the great Lenin, and Chairman Mao Tse-tung. Our great task is to uphold, defend, and to apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, and place it as the command and guide of the world revolution.

Continuing the development of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, developing the Peruvian revolution and supporting the world revolution, Chairman Gonzalo upholds, defends and applies our undefeated and unfading ideology, constituting Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo Thought as the basis of Party unity. For us, Gonzalo Thought is the principal thing which we must embody because it is the guarantee of victory that leads us to the democratic revolution, to the socialist revolution, to the cultural revolutions until Communism.

From another perspective, Chairman Gonzalo expounds that in the process of the world revolution to sweep away imperialism and reaction from the face of the earth there are three moments: 1st, the strategic defensive; 2nd, the strategic equilibrium; and 3rd, the strategic offensive of the world revolution. He does this by applying the law of contradiction to the revolution, since contradiction reigns in everything and all contradictions have two aspects in struggle, in this case revolution and counter-revolution. The strategic defensive of the world revolution opposed to the offensive of the counter-revolution, begins since 1871 with the Paris Commune and ends with the Second World War. The strategic equilibrium occurs around the victory of the Chinese revolution, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and the development of the powerful national liberation movement. Afterwards, the world revolution enters into the strategic offensive; this moment can be identified in history in connection with the 1980s in which we see indications such as the Iran-Iraq war, Afghanistan, Nicaragua, the initiation of the People’s War in Peru, an era circumscribed within the “next 50 to 100 years.” From there onward the contradiction between capitalism and socialism will develop whose resolution will carry us to Communism. Our conception is of a long process, not a short one, with the conviction of reaching Communism even if it means passing through a series of twists and turns and the setbacks that will necessarily occur. Furthermore, it is not strange that we should apply the three moments to the world revolution, since Chairman Mao applied them to the process of the protracted people’s war. As Communists, we should see not only the moment, but the long years to come.


In the current situation and in perspective we have entered the strategic offensive of the world revolution, within the “50 to 100 years” in which imperialism and world reaction shall be sunk and we shall enter the stage when the proletariat settles into power and establishes its dictatorship. From there forward the contradiction shall be between socialism and capitalism on the road towards Communism. That restorations have occurred in the USSR and China does not negate the thriving process of development of the international proletariat; rather it shows how fierce the struggle is between restoration and counter-restoration. From this we Communists draw lessons to avert the restoration of capitalism and to definitively establish the dictatorship of the proletariat.

We reaffirm ourselves on Chairman Mao Tse-tung’s thesis that a period of struggle has begun between American imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism; thus the two principal enemies are defined at the world level for those who make democratic revolution or socialist revolution, including those who make nationalist movements, and the corresponding task is that each revolution or movement specify its principal enemy and avert the domination of the other superpower or of the other powers. In Peru, Yankee imperialism dominates us in collusion with the big bourgeoisie and the landowners. Nevertheless, at the world level there is contention between the two superpowers for global hegemony. We fight against American imperialism, feudalism and bureaucratic capitalism, but we can not allow its substitution with the domination of social-imperialism, nor of any other power. In Afghanistan, the direct aggression is by Soviet social-imperialism that contends for hegemony with Yankee imperialism, China, as well as with other Western powers, and there a struggle must be unleashed against social-imperialism as the principal enemy and to not permit either the domination of American imperialism or of other powers; the problem is that the struggle is not correctly unfolding due to lack of political leadership, of a Communist Party. In synthesis, there are two superpowers that are the principal enemies, with one being principal in each case, and we do not exempt the actions of the powers.

We consider Chairman Mao Tse-tung’s thesis that three worlds are delineated just and correct and that it is connected with Lenin’s thesis on the distribution of forces in the world based on the analysis of classes and contradictions. We reject the opportunist and revisionist distortion by Teng Hsiao-ping of the three worlds that tends toward following at the tail of the U.S. and selling out the revolution. From this point of departure, Chairman Gonzalo analyzes the current situation in which the three worlds are delineated and demonstrates that it is a reality. The first world is the two superpowers, the U.S. and the USSR which contend for global hegemony and which can unleash an imperialist war. They are superpowers because they are economically, politically, and militarily more powerful than the other powers. The U.S. has an economy centered on the monopoly of non-state property; politically, it unfolds a bourgeois democracy with a growing restriction of rights. It is a reactionary liberalism; militarily, it is the most powerful in the West and has a longer process of development. The USSR is economically based on a state monopoly, with a politically fascist dictatorship of a bureaucratic bourgeoisie and is a high-level military power although its process of development is shorter. The U.S. seeks to maintain its dominions and also to expand them. The USSR aims more towards expansion because it is a new superpower and economically it is interested to capture Europe to improve its conditions. In synthesis, they are two superpowers which do not constitute a block but which have contradictions, clear mutual differences, and they move within the law of collusion and contention for the re-division of the world. The second world consists of the imperialist powers which are not superpowers, but have less economic, political, and military power such as Japan, Germany, France, Italy, etc. which have contradictions with the superpowers because they sustain, for example, the devaluation of the dollar, military restrictions, and political impositions; these imperialist powers want to take advantage of the contention between the superpowers in order for them to emerge as new superpowers, and they also unleash wars of aggression against the oppressed nations and furthermore, acute contradictions exist among them. The third world is composed of the oppressed nations of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. They are colonies or semi-colonies where feudalism has not been destroyed, and on that basis a bureaucratic capitalism unfolds. They find themselves subject to one or another superpower or imperialist power. They have contradictions with imperialism, furthermore they fight against their own big bourgeoisie and landlords, both of which are at the service of and in collusion with imperialism, especially with the superpowers.

All this gives us the basis on which the Communists can establish the strategy and tactics of the world revolution. Chairman Mao Tse-tung had achieved the establishment of the strategy and tactics of the world revolution but the Chinese revisionists concealed it. Therefore, it falls upon us to extract this from his own ideas, most especially if there are new situations, above all in perspective.

Our Party sustains the view that in the current world there are three fundamental contradictions: 1) The contradiction of the oppressed nations, on one side, against the superpowers and imperialist powers, on the other. Here the thesis that three worlds are delineated is contained, and we formulate it this way because the kernel of that contradiction lies with the superpowers but it is also a contradiction with the imperialist powers. This is the principal contradiction and its solution is the development and triumph of new democratic revolutions. 2) The contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, which has as its solution the socialist revolution and in perspective, the proletarian cultural revolution. 3) The inter-imperialist contradictions: Between the superpowers themselves, between the superpowers and the smaller imperialist powers and, finally, among the imperialist powers themselves, which tends towards war for global hegemony and imperialist wars of plunder which the proletariat must oppose with people’s war and in perspective, world people’s war. We do not list the contradiction socialism-capitalism because today it exists only at an ideological and political level, since socialism does not exist anywhere as a state; today there is no socialist system. It existed, and to say that it exists today it is to claim in essence that the USSR is socialist, which is revisionism.

The need to see the contradictions serves to analyze the world situation and to define its strategy and tactics and within this its strategic and conflicting zones. Today, the most incendiary conflicting points are: Southeast Asia where the struggle in Vietnam, Laos, and Kampuchea are a focal point in the immense strategic region of Asia, a region where great masses are concentrated, for example in India. If they sufficiently developed Communist Parties, it would serve to powerfully advance the revolution. The Middle East, the great oil center, there is also an acute contest between the superpowers and powers bound to the issues of the Near East and to nationalist and even reactionary movements. Another area is South Africa, where there are guerrilla movements that are usurped by the superpowers or powers to convert them into occupation forces and dominate them. In Latin America there are the important struggles of Central America (Nicaragua and El Salvador) to the volatility of the Antilles (Haiti, etc.), and the People’s War in Peru, a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Gonzalo Thought people’s war that struggles for an authentic democratic revolution without submitting to any superpower or power. In Europe, where persistent anti-imperialists military actions are developing, it is necessary to study their ideology and the politics that sustains them, the class which they serve, their links to the ideology of the proletariat, and their role within the world proletarian revolution, as well as their position on modern revisionism. These movements express the existence of an uneven revolutionary situation in development in the Old World. Any one of these points of conflict could provide the spark to an imperialist World War, a situation that will occur when the strategic superiority of one of the superpowers is defined. Therefore, it is increasingly urgent and peremptory to rely upon Communist parties based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism that are forged for and in people’s war through their militarization. Strategically defining the zones of principal and secondary importance to make the world revolution is key to establishing the role that each region and each party should play in the world revolution.

For the Communist Parties, the problem is not to focus attention on the imperialist World War but onto people’s war, since only from this shall proletarian-led power derive. We consider that while there is imperialism, there is a likelihood that imperialist World Wars will develop. What Chairman Mao said is certain, that either revolution will prevent war or World War will provoke revolution. In order for an imperialist World War to happen, the strategic superiority of one of the superpowers must be defined. According to the reactionary military theoreticians, this situation would unfold at the moment of the first use of atomic weapons, or an overwhelming atomic bombardment by both parties, and a second moment in which great contingents of millions will participate and subsequently, (since the objective is the re-division of the spoils, especially the oppressed nations) a conventional war to occupy territories. Then it will enter into a great and ferocious massacre which will have repercussions against the imperialists and will provide even greater reasons for the oppressed nations, the peoples of the world and the class to rise up in people’s war. Thus, if imperialist world war presents itself, first, we are opposed to it; second, we do not fear it as we center on revolution; third, to focus on revolution means to wage people’s war led by the proletariat through its Communist parties; and fourth, this people’s war must be specified in each type of country according to the type of revolution. Therefore, the world people’s war is the order of the day.



The history of the International Communist Movement is a glorious process of struggle through which the Communists in the world have fought, and continue to fight, to unite in order to attain their unalterable goal: a Communist society. In this heroic fight, three Internationals were formed.

The International Workers’ Association, or First International, was founded by Marx and Engels in 1864. In hard struggle they opposed and crushed the anarchist positions of Bakunin and established that there is only one doctrine of the proletariat: Marxism. Lenin says that the role fulfilled by the First International was to lay down the ideological basis of the doctrine of the proletariat. This International split, and when this was blamed on Marx and Engels they answered that if such a division had not occurred, the International would have died in any case, killed by unity which put aside principles. The Second International was founded by Engels in 1889. It served to multiply organizations and parties, but with the death of Engels, the old-style revisionism emerged unchecked, which was confronted and crushed by Lenin. This International became bankrupt in the First World War when its leadership, such as Kautsky and Bernstein, instead of fighting against the imperialist world war in order to transform it into revolution, supported that war of plunder and their own countries’ bourgeoisie, turning into social-patriots. In 1919 Lenin organized the Third International, the Communist International, conceiving of it as a fighting machine that must assume the responsibility of the world revolution and the construction of the proletarian dictatorship. Two problems emerged in the Communist International during the 1920s which were to have great repercussions: The problem of Germany (or rather, the revolution in an advanced country), and the problem of China (or revolution in a backward country). Afterwards, the situation became more acute with the emergence and triumph of fascism and the question on how to conceive the United Front. There were the revisionist criteria of Thorez and Togliatti who sought to support rather than destroy the old order, focusing solely on the anti-fascist struggle. It is an urgent task for Communists, and for our Party, to evaluate the Communist International, especially its VII Congress linked to the Second World War, and the role of Comrade Stalin. In 1943 the International was dissolved, leaving only an Information Committee.

The struggle of Communists to unite at an international level is hard and complex. This was shown in the struggle against modern revisionism after World War II. Tito was condemned in 1948. The ideas of Browder also played a sinister role. The Workers’ and Communist parties met in Moscow in 1957 and 1960 after the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) in 1956, in which Khrushchev had already usurped the dictatorship of the proletariat in the USSR and attacked it under the pretext of combating Comrade Stalin. However, the prestige of the USSR was still very great throughout the world, and in such circumstances the meetings of 1957 and 1960 agreed on ambiguous positions, despite of the firm, principled positions upheld by the Communist Part of China (CPC) (especially those of Chairman Mao), and the Party of Labor of Albania. The positions of Chairman Mao caused the CPSU to alter some of its positions, but the positions of modern revisionism were systematized in 1961, when the CPSU held its twenty-second Congress.

Chairman Mao, leading the CPC, probed the essence of the new revisionism systematized in the “three peacefuls” and the “two wholes.” With “peaceful coexistence,” Khrushchev had twisted Lenin’s thesis that distinguished between relationships among states to those within states to propose that the general line of the international Communist movement is “peaceful coexistence.” For Khrushchev, the problem was to prevent war, because according to him, atomic weapons did not distinguish between exploiters and exploited and men had to fraternize in order to prevent the extinction of humanity. “Peaceful transition” proposes that revolution no longer required revolutionary violence but that one social system could be transformed into another through the “peaceful route”: through elections or parliamentarism. The concept of “peaceful emulation” expressed the idea that in order to destroy the imperialist system, the socialist system had to emulate it in order to demonstrate to the imperialists that the socialist system is superior, and thus encourage the imperialists to become socialists. The “state of the whole people” was the revisionist thesis with which Khrushchev intended to negate the class character of the state. It was specifically aimed against the dictatorship of the proletariat. The “party of the whole people” was another monstrosity which negated the class character of the Party as the party of the proletariat. Thus, Khrushchev maintained that the Twenty-second Congress of the CPSU was the new program of the Communists, and the Communist Manifesto was substituted by the bourgeois slogans of “liberty,” “equality,” and “fraternity”. The Manifesto is the program of the Communists, and its negation incited and sharpened the struggle between Marxism and revisionism.

On June 14, 1963, the “A Proposal Concerning the General Line of the International Communist Movement” (also known as “the Chinese letter”) was published. It was followed by the circulation of the “Nine Commentaries,” in which Chairman Mao and the CPC brilliantly unmasked and crushed modern revisionism in all aspects.

We understand that Chairman Mao and the CPC felt that because the political and ideological base—which had to be Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought—had not yet been defined it was inconvenient to form a new Communist International in such circumstances. This was mainly due to the fact that the Party of Labor of Albania, led by Enver Hoxha, did not accept Mao Tse-tung Thought and aimed for an International based only on Marxism-Leninism, disregarding the new developments. In essence, Hoxha was opposed to Mao Tse-tung Thought.

The growing influence of Chairman Mao in the world unfolded with the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. The CPC centered on very urgent problems, such as recovering power in the People’s Republic of China from the usurpation of the revisionists Liu Shaochi and Teng Hsiao-ping, and on how to continue the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat. Thus Chairman Mao, in the class struggle against revisionism at the national and international level, became the great teacher of the proletariat and the Great Leader of the world revolution. His thought developed into the third stage of Marxism. In that era, Communists referred to this development as “Mao Tse-tung Thought.” The Communist Party of Peru (PCP) adopted Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought as the basis of party unity at the Sixth National Conference in January 1969. This was achieved as a result of the struggle by Chairman Gonzalo and the Red Fraction of the Party that had been adhering to Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought since 1966. Chairman Gonzalo had already upheld the positions of Chairman Mao in 1962, and on the basis of that viewpoint went on to forge the Red Fraction of the PCP. We authentic Communists were waiting for the CPC to define Maoism as the third stage of Marxism, but with the death of Chairman Mao in September 1976, the Chinese revisionists pulled off a counter-revolutionary coup aimed at Chairman Mao and his thought. Thus, the unity of the Marxists encountered serious and complex problems, but the Communist Party of Peru remained firm and unshakable in the defense of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought, immediately unmasking the counter-revolutionary coup and the revisionist usurpation in China. It was at that time that the Enlarged Political Bureau of the PCP in October 1976 declared, “To be a Marxist is to adhere to Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought.”

With the death of Chairman Mao and the revisionist usurpation in China by Teng and his gang, the Communists were left scattered in the world without a center or base for world revolution; the counter-revolutionaries brandished their claws to negate Chairman Mao and the validity of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought, unleashing the triple revisionist assault of Teng Hsiao-ping (Chinese revisionism), Hoxha (Albanian revisionism), and Brezhnev (Russian revisionism). Facing this situation at the PCP’s First National Conference in November 1979, Chairman Gonzalo called upon the whole party to defend and apply Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought against the revisionist triple assault. The Party remained firm in these positions and carried forward an unalterable, principled position. In 1980 the PCP launched the People’s War based on Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought; it is in the applying and developing the People’s War that the PCP has advanced further in the comprehension of Maoism as the third stage of Marxism. Hence, at the Second National Conference held in May 1982 the Party agreed that Marxism-Leninism-Maoism was the third stage of Marxism. Thus, the PCP was the only party in the world in the vanguard of the defense of Maoism, and assumed the task of struggling for the unity of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoists of the world so that this ideology be the command and guide of the Peruvian and world revolutions.

The application of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism must be specified in each revolution, so that it does not become a mechanical application. For this reason, the Peruvian Revolution has generated Chairman Gonzalo and Gonzalo Thought, which is the main principle in the basis of Party unity. Thus, each revolution must specify its guiding thought, without which there can be no application of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, nor any development of the revolution.

In the Fall of 1980, 13 Communist parties and organizations signed a statement, “To the Marxist-Leninists, Workers, and the Oppressed of All Countries,” calling upon Communists to unite around Marxism-Leninism and to uphold Chairman Mao, but without considering Maoism as a new stage with universal validity. The Revolutionary Communist Party, USA (RCP-USA) principally carried out this effort. In 1983 the RCP-USA contacted the PCP and invited it to sign the 1980 statement. The PCP did not agree to such a statement since Mao Tse-tung Thought was not considered therein; furthermore, we were already basing ourselves on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. In March 1984, the Second Conference of these organizations was completed and the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM) was founded which approved a joint declaration, which talks about uniting around Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought. Our position on the incorporation of the PCP within RIM is condensed in a letter written to the Committee of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement dated October 1986: “We wish to reiterate two questions about this point. First, from the beginning of our ties, the origin of our differences was the substantive and decisive question of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as the only, true and new stage in the development of the proletarian ideology having universal validity, with Maoism as the key to the question. Consequently, our disagreement with the expression ‘Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought.’ Nevertheless, we have thought and still think that the resolution of this matter, which for us is indispensable as a point of departure, is complex, demands time, and especially developing revolution.”

“Second, in signing the Declaration derived from the Second Conference which founded the RIM, we did so with observations and even clear opposition, which was expressly set forth in brief. We reiterated these issues in meetings, reports, and communications which clearly indicate differences on the principle contradiction, the revolutionary situation of unequal development, on world war, and on some criteria on the role of the Movement, and other more important issues, such as the universal validity of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, and in particular the general validity of people’s war (the expression of proletarian military theory that our class has recently developed totally and completely with Chairman Mao Tse-tung), and our insistence in always raising the great slogan, ‘Proletarians of all countries, unite!’ Nevertheless, we thought and continue to think that the Declaration contains and continues to contain a relative basis of unity whose development and improvement will be demanded by the very advance of the Movement, as facts are plainly demonstrating already.”

“Today, the Declaration has been repudiated by some as opportunist. Others assert that it is insufficient to resolve the burning problems that the revolution demands, and therefore, we should move on to a new declaration. The PCP believes that the RIM faces problems on various levels: On the ideological level, it needs to advance towards the understanding of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. This advance is principal, and even political development hinges upon it. On the political level, it needs to advance in defining the fundamental contradictions, and the principal global contradiction, the question of the Third World War, that revolution is the principal tendency, and given an imperialist ware transforming it into people’s war. In regards to construction, what political lines we must follow to achieve the formation of the International that we need, which must be the continuation of the glorious International Communist Movement. Concerning mass work, our points of departure are the slogans ‘The masses make history,’ ‘It’s right to rebel,’ and ‘The colossal garbage heap’ [of revisionism and opportunism that must be swept away—Trans.] and that the purpose of mass work is to initiate or develop people’s war. In regards to leadership, it is key, requiring time for its formation, development, and recognition of authority. In regards to two-line struggle, it is not being handled as it should be. These are problems of development, but if they are not addressed justly and correctly, they can cause phenomena of disarticulation, and these negative possibilities necessarily cause us concern. We believe that the Committee of the RIM aims to impose the denomination of ‘Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought,’ trying to frame us within the Declaration, and thus resolve the problems of leadership of the Committee, which gives reason to believe in the existence of hegemonic tendencies.”

Taking this situation into account, we reaffirmed ourselves at the Fourth National Conference of the PCP in October 1986 to unfold ourselves as a fraction within the International Communist Movement in order to place Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, as the command and guide of the world revolution. We call to: “Uphold, Defend, and Apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Principally Maoism!” since only through this shall the international proletariat, through its Communist Parties, be able to lead the conquest of power and emancipate the oppressed so they can emancipate themselves as a class.

We are for the reconstitution of the Communist International, and we regard the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement as a step in that direction. It will serve this purpose as long as it bases itself upon and follows a just and correct ideological and political line.

The struggle to impose Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, as the command and guide of world revolution will be long, complex and difficult, but in the end, the Marxist-Leninist-Maoists of the world shall succeed. Marxism has not taken a step forward in its life without struggle.




Central Committee
Communist Party of Peru